DEVELOPMENTS IN RUSSIA
The formation of a coalition Cabinet on May 16 ended a month of struggle between the Provisional Government in Russia and the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates. The Council, a fortuitous aggregation of more than 2500 members, divided in sentiment but in general dominated by socialistic influences, irregularly representing the industrial city population which forms not more than 15 per cent of the people of Russia, brought to bear a powerful influence by virtue of its ability to paralyze Russian military activities by its control of munitions manufacture and transportation.
The Council, as stated in the last Proceedings, undertook to supervise the Provisional Government, declaring in favor of a "common peace without annexations or indemnity" and a foreign policy "without aspirations for territorial expansion," and attempting to pin the government down to this program. Indeed, the differences between the Council and the Provisional Government, as summarized by the Manchester Guardian, extended to other matters besides foreign policy:
"The Council stood for a republic when the Duma and the Provisional Government were desirous of keeping the Romanoffs. The Council wants the Constituent Assembly to meet as soon as possible; the Provisional Government apparently wishes to postpone the Constituent Assembly till after the war or, at any rate, delay it as long as possible. The Council wants large social and economic changes (notably in connection with the land); the Provisional Government, composed chiefly of landowners and rich industrialists, does not take the same view, and in any case would like to defer any radical handling of these thorny problems. The Council is more interested in internal political and social reconstruction than in the war; the Provisional Government is more interested in the war than in internal political and social problems. The Council is international in its outlook on war and foreign problems; the Provisional Government is Imperialistic."
Crisis over War Aims.—The dispute was brought to a crisis by the apparently innocuous manifesto issued by the Provisional Government on April 27 and transmitted on May 1 in a note to the Allied Powers. This note committed the new government to "maintain a strict regard for the engagements entered into with the Allies"; it pledged every effort to "bring the world war to a decisive victory"; and it spoke of the "guarantees and penalties necessary to prevent any recourse to sanguinary wars in the future."
The Council at once insisted that these phrases be given a concrete interpretation. While refusing to modify its pledges of solidarity with the Allies, the Provisional Government offered the following explanation of the terms of the note:
"The government deems it to be its right and duty to declare now that free Russia does not aim at the domination of other nations or at depriving them of their national patrimony, or at occupying by force foreign territories, but that its object is to establish a durable peace on the basis of the rights of nations to decide their own destiny.
"The Russian nation does not lust after the strengthening of its power abroad at the expense of other nations. Its aim is not to subjugate or humiliate any one. In the name of the higher principles of equity, the Russian people have broken the chains which fettered the Polish nation, but it will not suffer that its own country shall emerge from the great struggle humiliated or weakened in its vital force.
"In referring to the 'penalties and guarantees' essential to a durable peace the Provisional Government had in view the reduction of armaments, the establishment of international tribunals, etc.
"This explanation will be communicated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Ambassadors of the Allied Powers."
This explanation was accepted by the Council, and the 2500 delegates gave the government a vote of confidence by the narrow margin of 35.
Council’s Peace Program.—On May 9 the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates adopted the following resolutions providing for appeals to Socialist bodies throughout the world and the convocation of a peace conference under the auspices of the international Socialist party:
"First—To convoke a conference of the Socialist Internationale.
"Second—To invite to the conference representatives of all parties and fractions of the international proletariat agreeing with the Council of Soldiers' and Workmen's Delegates' appeal to the peoples of the world.
"Third—To form a special commission of representatives and one representative of each of the Socialist parties to organize the conference and arrange a program.
"Fourth—To publish immediately an appeal to the peoples of the world and a special appeal to the Socialists in allied countries for the convocation of a peace conference.
"Fifth To send a delegation of the Executive Committee to neutral and allied countries and establish contact with the Socialist delegates at Stockholm.
"Sixth—The peace conference is to take place in a neutral country.
"Seventh—The committee, recognizing as a necessary condition that free passage be accorded to all parties and fractions without distinction, requests that all parties in said countries demand from their governments free passage for their delegates."
Opposition to Milukoff.—The suspicions of the Council were directed chiefly against M. Guchkoff, War Minister, and Prof. Paul Milukoff. Foreign Minister, who in the Provisional Cabinet stood most strongly for vigorous prosecution of the war with the object of extending Russia's political and territorial power. M. Milukoff, as late as February, 1917, had announced in his paper, the Kyctch, the policy that "Russia should continue the war till she had won, for her own possession, Constantinople, the whole coast of the Black Sea, and both sides of the Dardanelles, and brought about a dismemberment of Austria even more complete than Turkey's." (H. W. Nevinson, in April Contemporary Kei-iew.) With these views not all the members of the Cabinet itself were in sympathy.
Coalition Cabinet.—On May 9. the Provisional Government, under stress of opposition, issued letters to the Duma, the Council, and the Socialist parties, inviting their representatives to share in a coalition Cabinet. On May 13, as a means of hastening a solution, War Minister Guchkoff tendered his resignation. The resignations of Gen. Korniloff, commander of the Petrograd garrison, Gen. Brusiloff, Gen. Zwicko, and other military leaders, had already been received.
After first refusing to participate in a coalition government, the Council finally agreed to cooperate, and on May 16 the new ministry was formed. On that date the official news agency issued this statement:
"The three cardinal points upon which the government, the Executive Committee of the Duma, and the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates have agreed are :
"The unity of the allied fronts;
"The fullest confidence of the revolutionary democracy in the reconstructed Cabinet;
"A plenitude of powers for the government."
Professor Milukoff's decision to retire from the Cabinet was announced at a sitting of the Provisional Government last night. Its immediate cause was a difference in views between him and other members of the Provisional Government on the question of reorganization of the Cabinet.
The probable composition of the coalition Cabinet follows:
Premier and Minister of the Interior—Prince G. A. Lvoff (the present incumbent).
Minister of Foreign Affairs—M. Tereschtenko (formerly Minister of Finance).
Minister of Finance—A. I. Shingaroff (now Minister of Agriculture).
Minister of Commerce and Industry—A. I. KonovalofF (now Minister of Trade and Commerce).
Minister of Communications—N. V. Nekrasoff (the present incumbent).
Minister of War—A. F. Kerensky (former Minister of Justice).
Minister of Agriculture—M. Tchernoff, a revolutionary Socialist.
Minister of Labor—M. Gvozdeff, a Social Democrat.
Minister of Justice—M. Nikitine, a Moscow lawyer and Social Democrat, or M. Malantkvitch. an Odessa lawyer and Social Democrat.
Minister of Munitions—M. Pechekonoff, a National Socialist.
No name is mentioned for the portfolio of Public Instruction, which, according to prognostications, was to have been taken by M. Milukoff, shifting from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Six of the ten members belong to one or another branch of the Socialist party.
Statement of Policy.—The most important points covered by the government's declaration of policy are in connection with the foreign policy. The document begins with a statement that the government's aim is the attainment of a general peace without conquest of other nations, depriving them of their national sovereignty or their territory. In a word, peace without annexations or contributions.
The declaration further meets the Council's demands by promising to take steps toward the attainment of an agreement with the Allies which will realize the government's declaration of April 9. The government, however, is convinced that Russia's defeat in the war would be a great misfortune to all nations and, while willing to make a general peace on the above foundations, believes firmly that revolutionary Russia will not permit the defeat of its allies in the west.
The government consents to the Council's demand for the democratization of the army, but desires to combine it with a strengthening of Russia's fighting forces.—N. Y. Times, 18/5.
Mr. Root Envoy to Russia.—Washington, May 15.—Official announcement of the personnel of the American war mission to Russia, to be headed by Elihu Root, was announced at the State Department to-day. Mr. Root has been commissioned with the rank of ambassador and six of his associates have been commissioned as ministers. The principal members of the mission are as follows:
Elihu Root, Ambassador Extraordinary of the United States of America on Special Mission.
John R. Mott, Envoy Extraordinary of the United States of America on Special Mission.
Charles P. Crane, Envoy Extraordinary.
Cyrus H. McCormick, Envoy Extraordinary.
Samuel R. Bertron, Envoy Extraordinary.
James Duncan, Envoy Extraordinary.
Charles Edward Russell, Envoy Extraordinary.
Major Gen. Hugh L. Scott, Chief of Staff of the Army, Military Representative of the President of the United States of America on Special Diplomatic Mission.
Rear Admiral James H. Glennon, Naval Representative of the President of the United States of America on Special Diplomatic Mission.
Washington, May 16.—The government to-day made its first loan to Russia, $100,000,000, bringing the amount thus far advanced to the Allies up to $625,000,000.
The money was made available for Russia's purchases of supplies in this country, and was deposited to her credit in the Federal Reserve Banks. By that arrangement she will be enabled to draw against the amount as money is needed to meet obligations here.—N. Y. Times, 17/5.
WAR AIMS STILL UNSTATED
On May 15, Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, in his long deferred address to the Reichstag, bluntly refused the demands of the Socialists on the one hand and the Conservatives on the other, that he should openly state Germany's peace terms. To Russia, however, he held out the promise of a favorable agreement, should that country adhere to her announced policy. In his speech the Chancellor said regarding Russia:
"If Russia wants to prevent further bloodshed and renounces all violent plans of conquest for herself, if she wishes to restore durable relations of peaceful life side by side with us, then surely it is a matter of course that we, as we share this wish, will not disturb the permanent relationship in the future and will not render its development impossible by demands which, indeed, do not accord with the freedom of nations and would deposit in the Russian nation the germ of enmity.
"I doubt not that an agreement aiming exclusively at a mutual understanding could be attained which excludes every thought of oppression and which would leave behind no sting and no discord."
Of the other Entente Allies the Chancellor said:
"It comes to this. Shall I immediately give our western enemies an assurance which will enable them to prolong the war indefinitely without danger of losses to themselves? Shall I tell these enemies: 'Come what may we shall under all circumstances be people who renounce; we shall not touch a hair of your head. But you who want our lives, you can, without any risks, continue to try your luck.'
"Shall I nail down the German Empire in all directions by a one-sided formula which only comprises one part of the total peace conditions and which renounces successes won by the blood of our sons and brothers and leaves all other matters in suspense?
"No, I will not pursue such a policy. That would be the basest ingratitude toward the heroic deeds of our people at the front and at home. It would permanently press down our people, to the smallest worker, in their entire conditions of life. It would be equivalent to surrendering the future of the Fatherland.
"Or ought I, conversely, to set forth a program of conquest. I decline to do that. [Cries from the right: 'We are not demanding that.'] If it has not been demanded, then we are of one opinion. I also decline to set forth a program of conquest. We did not go forth to war, and we stand in the battle now against almost the whole world, not in order to make conquests, but exclusively to secure our existence and to establish firmly the future of the nation. A program of conquest helps as little as a program of reconciliation to win victory and the war."—N.Y. Times, 16/5.
The Reichstag discussion following the Chancellor's address was noteworthy for the most extraordinary plain speaking on the part of the Socialist leaders. Philip Scheidemann, head of the majority Socialists, said in part:
"The supporters of conquest shout for increase of power, increase of territory, money, and raw material. That can only be wanted by a nationally organized gang of robbers. [This statement provoked a storm of indignation on the right.] The drawing of the Kaiser into this agitation has as a result that abroad the Kaiser is made responsible for Pan-German madness and the outbreak of war, and that he is continually being insulted.
"Peace by agreement would be good fortune for Europe. Ninety-nine per cent of all the peoples look with hope and longing to Stockholm. If France and Great Britain renounce annexation and Germany insists thereon, we shall have a revolution in the country."
The Independent Socialist, Georg Ledebour, was even more outspoken:
"Herr Scheidemann must take up the cudgels against the government if he does not want strong words, which do not shrink even from the announcement of a revolution, to be followed by deeds. We are convinced that events must happen in Germany as they have happened in Russia. That is what those in power are working for. We must soon introduce a republic in Germany, and we shall propose that the Constitution Committee take preparatory steps in that direction."
GERMAN CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS SHELVED
After eight days' sittings, May 4-12, the Constitutional Committee of the Reichstag, of which Philip Scheidemann is chairman, submitted a report to the Reichstag. The German Government agreed to support the proposals in this report providing for a proportional system of elections and the re-districting of overgrown communities, but refused to express an opinion regarding other proposals of the committee until after the Reichstag had acted definitely upon them. Since the report will not come up before the July sitting of the Reichstag, a decision is thus postponed for some months.
In any event, a constitutional change requires approval by a two-thirds majority of the Bundesrat, which is virtually dominated by the Prussian members, who arc in turn controlled by the Kaiser.
Among the constitutional changes proposed were the following:
-
- That the Chancellor and Ministers of War and Marine be made responsible to the Reichstag.
- That ordinances and decrees of the Kaiser be issued in the name of the Empire and require for validity the counter-signature of the Imperial Chancellor, who thereby assumes responsibility to the Reichstag.
- That during the duration of the war now being waged, the consent of the Reichstag shall in all cases be necessary for the closing or adjourning of the Reichstag.
NEW SPANISH CABINET
Marquis Manuel Garcia Prieto, President of the Senate, on April 19 formed a new Spanish Cabinet to take the place of the Ministry of Count de Romanones, which had tendered its resignation.
The fall of the Romanones Cabinet followed a decision of the Premier upon a definite rupture with Germany, and the refusal of a minority of the Cabinet to support him in this course.
In a memorandum accompanying his resignation, the former Prime Minister reaffirms his belief in the necessity of adhering to the policy of friendship with England and France inaugurated at Cartagena in 1902; and his conviction that the life of the country is being rendered impossible by German submarine attacks, and that Spain's historic aspirations to preside over the moral confederation of the peoples of Spanish blood will be definitely ended if at this decisive moment Spain appeared spiritually divorced from her daughter nations.—London Times, 21/4.
The new Cabinet adopted a policy of continued neutrality, but in a note made public April 25 it threatened a break with Germany should that government persist in its restrictions on Spanish shipping and sinking of Spanish vessels.
BREAK WITH TURKEY
On April 23, Secretary Lansing issued this statement:
"The Department of State is advised by a telegram from the American Embassy in Constantinople, dated April 20, forwarded through the Legation in Berne, that the Imperial Turkish Government on April 20, informed the Embassy that, as the Government of the United States had declared itself to be in a state of war with Germany, the Ottoman Government's ally, it found it necessary to sever its diplomatic relations with the United States as from that date.
"American interests in Turkey have been confided to the Swedish Minister."
LIBERIA JOINS ALLIES
On May 9, announcement was made that Liberia had severed diplomatic relations with Germany. According to the London Times (April 28): "The adhesion of Liberia will bring about the complete removal of German trade and influence from West Africa and the final suppression of the transmission of German wireless news in that region, Liberia being the only region in West Africa not in Allied occupation."
INDEPENDENCE OF ALBANIA
Salonika, April 20.—The French have proclaimed the independence of Albania and have established semi-native authority round about Koritze: the Italians have made a similar proclamation in their zone on the Adriatic. On the other hand the Austrians have done the same thing in Northern Albania. Each nation enlists the Albanians to fight for it as regulars. All of them are fighting in the name of Albanian independence.
What will come of the war for Albania no man living can yet tell. It is a great accomplishment, which suffices for the present, that the danger to the left flank of our main Balkan operation, which the enemy's activities in this difficult warlike country were trying to create, has been neutralized.—London Times, 21/4.
JAPANESE ELECTIONS WON BY GOVERNMENT
Tokio, April 22.—More complete returns in the Parliamentary elections confirm the earlier report that the government was victorious. The House of Representatives consists of 381 members. With the returns from several prefectures missing the result is estimated as follows: Government, 217 seats: Opposition, 164.
The Constitutionalists lost many seats. The leaders of this party are astounded by the reverse, and attribute the power of the government to indifference on the part of the voters to the constitutional issue. The seats won by the various parties are here shown:
Pro-Government: Seiyu-kai, 167; Terauchi Independents, 50; total, 217.
Opposition—Constitutionalists, 120; Kokumin-to, 34; Independents, 10; total, 164.
The Japan Times predicts that at the session of the Diet in June Premier Count Terauchi will reaffirm the foreign policies of the Administration as outlined to the Associated Press when he took over the premiership last October. These include efforts to solidify China's friendship by abstaining from interference in the internal affairs of China, and the declaration that the present time is inopportune to attempt to solve unsettled problems with the United States. The Count is expected again to emphasize Japan's whole-hearted support of the Entente nations in the war.
Governmental newspapers interpret the government's victory to the confidence of the nation in the leadership of Terauchi.—N. Y. Times, 23/4.
DEVELOPMENTS IN LATIN AMERICA
Chili Breaks with Germany.—A Central News dispatch from Amsterdam, published May 4, reads:
"A message received from Berlin says the Chilean Minister to Germany has demanded his passports and announced a rupture of relations between Chile and Germany. The news caused the greatest annoyance in political circles, where efforts were being made to avoid a break with both Chile and Argentina, in order to preserve some friendships in South America.
"Instructions have been given for Chilean citizens to be treated as enemy citizens. It is feared that it will be impossible in the present circumstances for the Chilean legation to leave Germany."
Protest from Argentina.—In response to an energetic protest from Argentina against the sinking of the Argentine sailing vessel Monte Protegido, the German Government on May 2 despatched a note of apology, in view of the fact that the vessel had left port prior to the announcement of the new German measures. The note promised reparation and a salute to the Argentine flag from an Imperial squadron "at the first opportunity."
Guatemala Offers Support.—On April 28 announcement was made of Guatemala's break with Germany. In transmitting the decision of his government the Guatemalan Minister in Washington handed Secretary Lansing the following note:
"In communicating the action of my government to your Excellency, I take pleasure in reiterating that Guatemala from the first has adhered to and supported the attitude of the United States in the defence of the rights of nations, the liberty of the seas, and of international justice and that it has always considered itself in unity with your great nation in the lofty principles which it has so wisely proclaimed for the good of humanity.
"Therefore, Guatemala takes the greatest pleasure in offering to the United States of America her territorial waters, her ports, and railways for use in common defence, also all elements which may be available for the same purpose."
Allies’ League in Brazil.—The Allies' League, a strong organization in Brazil, has requested the President to adopt the following measures:
"1. To confiscate the arms of the German Confederation of Rifle Clubs in southern Brazil.
"2. To stop the transmission of the correspondence of German subjects to the interior; and to establish a permanent supervision of the German residents in Brazil.
"3. To suspend the publication of the German newspapers, which spread ideas calculated to alarm or mislead public opinion.
"4. To offer to the Allies and the United States the cooperation of the Brazilian Navy.
"5. To sequestrate the interned German vessels until more radical measures can be taken.
"6. To demand the resignation of Senhor Lauro Miiller as Minister for Foreign Affairs, and to replace him by Senhor Ruy Barbosa." —Literary Digest, 12/5.
Mexico.—On May 1 President Venustiano Carranza took the oath of office and pledged his allegiance to the new Mexican Constitution.
Despatches from Mexico of April 28 indicated strong pressure on the Mexican Government to adopt a policy favorable to the United Slates and the Entente.